By: Saidu Ibrahim Kamara
For more than a decade, Sierra Leone was engulfed in a brutal civil war that claimed tens of thousands of lives and left countless others wounded, displaced, or subjected to extreme violence. Between 1991 and 2002, the conflict was marked by heinous atrocities, including mass killings, rape, and mutilation. Thousands of civilians bore the brunt of the war, with villages razed to the ground and entire communities forced into displacement camps.
The war, however, did not erupt spontaneously. Many Sierra Leoneans and international observers believe it was the consequence of years of systemic corruption, bad governance, and social injustices. Issues such as regionalism, tribalism, and economic decay had left the country vulnerable. At one point, Freetown, the capital city, was notoriously described as the darkest city in the world due to the collapse of basic services.
The Roots of the Conflict
The Revolutionary United Front (RUF), led by Corporal Foday Sankoh, was the primary rebel faction. Known for their brutal tactics, they used amputations, mass killings, and sexual violence to instill fear and secure control over the country’s diamond-rich territories. Sankoh’s ties to former Liberian President Charles Taylor played a crucial role in the war, as Taylor provided arms and training to the RUF in exchange for Sierra Leonean diamonds, leading to the term “conflict diamonds.”
Opposing the rebels was the Civil Defense Force (CDF), a pro-government paramilitary group established in 1996 under the leadership of Sam Hinga Norman. Comprised of traditional hunter militias, such as the Kamajor in the south and the Tamaboror in the north, the CDF initially sought to defend communities from rebel attacks but later became implicated in human rights violations of their own.
The Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC), a military junta led by Major Johnny Paul Koroma, further complicated the conflict when it overthrew the government of President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah in 1997. This coup was driven by grievances that the government was prioritizing the CDF over the Sierra Leone Army.
Failed Peace Agreements
Multiple attempts were made to bring the war to an end. In 1996, the Abidjan Peace Accord was signed, offering amnesty to RUF fighters. However, it failed to hold, and violence resumed. A similar effort was made with the 1999 Lomé Peace Accord, brokered by the United Nations, but it too collapsed within days.
Recognizing the need for justice and accountability, President Kabbah formally requested assistance from the United Nations to establish an international tribunal to prosecute those responsible for the war’s atrocities. This led to the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1315 on August 14, 2000, paving the way for the creation of the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL).
Establishment of the Special Court
The Special Court for Sierra Leone was officially established in January 2002, the same month the war ended. Unlike other tribunals, the SCSL was a hybrid court, blending international and domestic legal systems. Its mandate was to prosecute those who bore the greatest responsibility for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and other serious violations of international law.
In a letter to UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in June 2000, President Kabbah described the court as “a symbol of the rule of international law, especially at a time when some state and non-state actors are increasingly displaying, shamelessly, contempt for the principles of international law.”
The court indicted 13 individuals, including former Liberian President Charles Taylor and RUF leader Foday Sankoh. The charges ranged from murder and sexual slavery to the recruitment of child soldiers and attacks on UN peacekeepers.
Trials and Convictions
Not all those indicted stood trial. Foday Sankoh died before proceedings could begin, while Johnny Paul Koroma fled Sierra Leone and was never captured. The SCSL conducted three trials in Freetown, covering crimes committed by members of the RUF, AFRC, and CDF. The most high-profile trial, however, was that of Charles Taylor, which took place at The Hague due to security concerns. He was found guilty on all 11 counts and sentenced to 52 years in a UK prison.
Of the nine individuals who were convicted in Freetown, sentences ranged from 15 to 52 years. Issa Sesay received the heaviest sentence of 52 years, while Alieu Kondewa was sentenced to 20 years. Some, such as Moinina Fofana, were later granted early release after serving their time.
The Legacy and Challenges of the Special Court
Following its closure in 2013, the Residual Special Court for Sierra Leone (RSCSL) was established to manage ongoing legal obligations, such as witness protection and enforcement of sentences. While its headquarters is in The Hague, a branch remains in Freetown at the original court complex.
The SCSL’s physical legacy is its multimillion-dollar, five-acre facility on Jomo Kenyatta Road in Freetown. Built at a cost of $3.5 million, the complex was among the most modern in the city. However, maintaining the site has proven costly, with the government struggling to cover its estimated $500,000 annual operating costs. Today, parts of the premises serve as offices for institutions such as the Sierra Leone Law School, the Law Reform Commission, and the Female Correctional Centre.
What It Means for Sierra Leoneans
The Special Court was a milestone in Sierra Leone’s pursuit of justice and reconciliation. It proved that no one, not even a sitting president like Charles Taylor, was above the law. For many, the court symbolized hope—that war crimes would not go unpunished and that future conflicts could be prevented through accountability.
However, as Sierra Leone navigates its post-war development, old challenges persist. Corruption, tribalism, and regionalism continue to threaten stability. Many wonder whether the nation has truly learned from its past. While opinions vary on whether the SCSL could have done more, its contribution to strengthening the rule of law remains undisputed.
As one of the most significant international legal experiments in Africa, the Special Court for Sierra Leone serves as a reminder that justice, though complex and costly, is essential for lasting peace.
This article was produced with support from the Media Reform Coordinating Group (MRCG), through the ATJLF Project on engaging the media and communities to change the narrative on transitional justice issues in Sierra Leone.
